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Letter
Seeking a Change in Africa
Ethiopia
National Parliamentary and Local Elections – May 11-17, 2005, Jimmy
Carters Report
OPEC raises price target
to $60 a barrel on back of strong demand
growth
By Kevin
Morrison and Javier Blas in Vienna
he
Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries unofficially raised its
price target to more than $50a barrel, citing firm demand growth, refining
bottlenecks and lack of economic damage from high oil prices.
Opec ministers agreed to add
500,000 barrels a day to the official quota from July 1 to take it to 28m
b/d and in line with real output, and raise quotas by the same amount over
the summer if prices increased by at least $2 more above current levels.
Sheikh Ahmad Fahad Al-Sabah, Opec president and Kuwait’s oil minister,
said the new Opec president and Kuwait’s oil minister, said the new Opec
basket of export crudes would have to remain above $50 a barrel for at
least seven days before Opec ministers would start discussing any increase
in the quota.
The new basket, which comes into
effect today, is about $48 a barrel.
For the new basket to increase
above $50 a barrel, this would translate to US and European benchmark
crudes of about $57-$58 a barrel or near the record nominal levels reached
in April.
“The prices are not going to be
lower,” said Rafael Ramirez, the Venezuelan oil minister. Energy analysts
shared the bullish view on prices. “They [Opec] have just raised their
price target, it is no longer around $50, but somewhere closer to the mid
$50s,” said Roger Diwan, director of PFC Energy the Washington-based
consultancy.
Opec’s quota increase did little
to clam oil market concerns about whether supply would keep pace with the
strong oil demand forecast for this winter.
US benchmark crude jumped by as
much as $1.70 to $56.70a barrel following the Opec decision and data
showing the second decline in a row of US crude inventories.
With most Opec countries
producing at or very close to full capacity, any increase in supply is
expected to come from Saudi Arabia, the world’s largest exporter of oil.
An Opec official familiar with Saudi Arabia said he expected it to
increase output if the second quota increase goes ahead.
Saudi Arabia claims it has
another 1.5m b/d in production capacity on top of its current output of
9.5m b/d, but it has not sustainably produced more than 10m b/d since the
early 1980s.
All Naimi, Saudi Arabia oil
minister, said the kingdom’s spare capacity was largely made up of low
equality oils, known as heavy and sour crudes, which many refineries
cannot use.
Opec ministers deflected any
blame for the high oil price on to bottlenecks in the global petroleum
refining sector. “The conference noted that world crude oil prices remain
high and volatile as a result of concern about lack of effective global
oil refining capacity.” The cartel said.
“For a long time, there was no
investment in the refining sector,” said Sheikh Sabah, who added that
Kuwait and other Opec members were all planning to increase refining
capacity over the next five years. Sheikh Sabah also said the cartel
intended to add another 1m b/d to oil production capacity by the end of
the year to take total capacity of the cartel to 32m b/d.
This compares to the expected
demand for Opec oil of about 30.6m b/d.
Spitting in the rain
South Korea has spent recent
years squirreling away foreign exchange reserves. Now, with next egg of
$206bn, or 27 percent of gross domestic product, it wants to start
spending.
The finance ministry announced
measures designed to spur dollar outflows in the country’s latest ruse to
temper the won’s appreciation. At the top of the list is a bid to pour
foreign exchange into local banks, in return for won, to help Korean
companies fund overseas investments.
That looks pretty ineffectual,
since access to capital is not the problem. Korea’s big exporters are
flush with surplus cash or have investment banks clamouring to provide
funds. Even assuming the central bank succeeds in lending out dollars,
through aggressive pricing or longer maturities, it would crowd out the
private sector rather than stimulate new investment.
The plan to lift the limit on
overseas investment by individuals is likely to prove similarly
ineffective, as they can already circumvent the current $1m cap. Besides,
most Korean retail investors have little incentive to go abroad when their
home stock market is cheap and boast in-built mechanisms designed to
protect them.
The government expects the new
measures to result in annual outflows with the annual $25bn net inflow of
foreign currency, but a third of recent foreign direct investment
outflows. For South Korea, spending is likely to prove tougher that
accumulating.
Supersonic flight
The testosterone-soaked pilots of
Top Gun felt the “need for speed”. So do French and Japanese
aviation executives, who yesterday resurrected plans for supersonic civil
aircraft. The precedents are not encouraging. Developing Concorde cost
$30bn. Conceived in an era of $2 barrel oil, its operating economics
proved hopeless. The Soviet Union’s Tu-144, nicknamed Concordski due to
its suspiciously familiar design, ended up flying mail between Moscow and
Kazakhstan. Nasa abandoned its programme in 1999. Its best-case
scenario, with demand for 500 aircraft, required $18bn spending upfront.
The private sector is capable of
funding huge investment: UK water companies will invest $32bn on pipes and
sewers over the next five years. But capital intensive technology
projects with binary outcomes rarely add up in discounted cash flow
models.
That is no bad thing. While
French and British politicians promoted Concorde and its spiritual
successor, Eurotunnel, the private sector revolutionized millions of lives
with sub-sonic flights.
Mistakes occur. Shanghai’s
$1.2bn, 430kph airport train takes eight minutes to get passengers to a
terminal that is a 45-minute cab ride from the city center. However, the
message that prestige is not always progress may be getting through. A
planned $48bn link between Beijing and Shanghai has been abandoned. That
leaves Nasa, with its annual $16bn budget. When it comes to net present
value, space is the final frontier.
OPEC
Symbolic gestures do not move
markets. By its own admission, increase in the Organization of the
Petroleum Exporting Countries’ output quota will have little impact on
crude prices. With members producing flat out, the quota is about as
relevant as the weather forecast for the Arabian Desert.
But, while Opec is happy to
appear supportive of moderation, its behaviour suggests it is targeting
higher price levels than six months ago. Last December, when falling New
York futures prices approached $40 a barrel, Opec promised production
cuts, not merely quota adjustments.
In May, rumblings from Opec about
output emerged when futures prices fell to $47. The cartel could not
claim it was facing sharper price declines for its own grades of oil. The
discount for Middle Eastern crude narrowed sharply since December.
To be fair, Opec is concerned
about how far prices could rise. The cartel produced at full stretch in
the second quarter, the lowest period of demand, in an attempt to build
stockpiles. But it also appears to want a price floor of about $45 in New
York futures terms.
To gauge Opec’s intentions
investors should watch its reaction when prices are falling, not rising.
Meanwhile, with the US oil product markets tight, China growing strongly,
Russian supply growth falling and the US hurricane season under way, it
will take more than Opec rhetoric to prevent futures prices from hitting
$60.
Philips
Gerard Kleisterlee says he sees
“lighter demand”. Unfortunately, the Philips boss is not talking about
demand for lightbulbs but warning of a lack of demand for pretty much
everything else made by the Dutch conglomerate.
Consumers in Europe, which
contributes two-fifths of group sales, are buying fewer televisions,
shavers and coffee makers. Their caution, given the deteriorating
economic background, can hardly come as a surprise – expect, it seems, to
Philips, which reaffirmed medium-term targets this month only to row back
on short-term expectations. Hence the 6 per cent drop in its shares.
Everyone agrees on the solution:
to invest in stable and growing businesses, principally medical systems,
while paring back the cyclic lower margin consumer operations. In that
context, it is reassuring that Philips believes its medical arm can
continue to expand rapidly while increasing margins beyond the current 14
per cent. But this portfolio shift is taking a painfully long time to
produce results. In this electronics still accounted for a third of sales
and increased revenues faster than the medical division.
weak second
quarter means group earnings will be substantially lower in 2005. They
are forecast to bounce back next year, though Philips’ record is not
inspiring. The current management is making the best of a bad hand. But
with the shares on nearly 17 times forward earnings, there is not need for
investors to play along.
Letter
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Dr. Sheik Mohammed Hussein Al Amoudi
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It is heart
breaking to read the recent story of one of our contemporary
philanthropists, Sheikh Mohammed H. Al
Amoudi, being a target of defamation and intense hate campaign by a
certain individual through an infantile radio program called,
Ethiopiawinet. These days, it does not take much to set up a shoebox
radio program. All it takes is a telephone line, a software program or
two, and an access to the Internet |
The
conditions of any free press are clear on defamation and label. One should
be responsible for one’s expressions. Any labels or accusations made,
unless substantiated, can be sufficient ground for a law suite, and
the law can punish those responsibleThis unscrupulous individual and his
likes must be out of their minds to attack one of our heroes. This is
senseless, to say the least. Sheikh Al Amoudi is a true son of Ethiopia,
who continues to play a pivotal roll in improving the life of thousands of
marginalized people in a section of the Ethiopian society, through
productive investments, and carefully targeted social development
programmes.
Has
this senseless individual done anything comparable to Sheikh Al Amoudi?
What has he done at all for Ethiopia, never mind the comparison to the
Sheikh?
live
in
Sweden and I know how much the people here love and respect him for the
great investments he has made. He has created the employment of over
15,000 people, and the Swedish government bestowed on him the highest
national decoration to express their appreciation for his contribution to
the country. Sweden is a democratic country with one of the most
independent press in the world. Nevertheless, I can assure you, no one
would find anything to defame in such an important person for expressing
his political views or belonging to this or that political party. Every
citizen has that right.
Sheikh Al Amoudi’s investments in Sweden are purely for business
interest. His investments in Ethiopia, however, are mostly not in the
context of capitalistic “return on investment” view. He simply wants to
help his country get out of poverty. In Ethiopia anywhere from 200 to 300
thousand people, are in one way or another dependent on Al Amoudis
generous investments.
To
Sheik Mohammed I want to say only one thing: you are a friend in need, our
true friend and we all love you. Please disregard and ignore these silly
attacks.
I
call on all true children of Ethiopia to take the necessary action on all
individuals who engage in such malicious propaganda and defamation
exercise, not just on the Sheikh, but on any one else.
Eng.
Berhe Hagos
Stockholm, Sweden.
Seeking a Change in
Africa
In
July,
Britain will be hosting the G8 summit and the issue of how
to alleviate poverty in
Africa will be on the agenda. Former
Africa
correspondent Colin Blane looks at what steps might be taken to try to
solve the problem.
There
is a corner of Addis Ababa I have been avoiding for the past 14 years. I have
been in the Ethiopian capital quite a few times since 1991, but I somehow
never felt the need to go back out on the Debre Zeit road, to revisit that
doom-laden place where I used up all the luck of a lifetime in a single
morning.
Africa
is the only continent which is getting poorer as the Asian economies
expand and Europe and the United States

Five
of us had driven to report on a fire at an ammunition dump. As we tried to
find cover to film from, there was an explosion so huge it shattered the
windows of buildings two miles away. Shacks were demolished. Trees left
scorched and blackened.
One of
my colleagues was killed. Another was badly injured as rockets and bullets
flew through the air. All these years later, it is still hard to
understand how any of us survived the blast.
A
couple of weeks ago, I agreed to go back to the scene to talk through what
happened with a young man, Salim Amin, whose late father Mohamed lost his
arm in the explosion.
Mo
Amin, of course, was the cameraman whose pictures of the 1984 famine in
Ethiopia helped provoke such a worldwide outpouring of
emotion and financial generosity. Walking back round the ammo dump with
Mo's son, I found bulldozers levelling the vast site and tipper trucks
driving away the remains of long-abandoned jeeps and tanks.
Men
with pickaxes foraged among the rubble. A guard wore body armour in case
of accidental detonations. A small heap of rusting grenades and artillery
shells were all that was left of a stockpile which had previously
stretched hundreds of metres in every direction.
In the
days of the dictator Mengistu this was once
Africa's
biggest, most lethal ammuni-tion store.
Over
the next few months, it will be filled in and flattened, turned over to a
peaceful, civilian purpose. Blocks of flats for families going up where
there used to be concrete bunkers for weapons.
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Blair's commission is asking wealthy nations to double aid to Africa |
I am sure Mo Amin would have
approved. He died a few years after the explosion and although he
spent much of his working life covering wars and famines, he believed
good things as well as bad could happen in Africa.
Mo was no saint. Even his
friends called him a sharp operator but he was also an advocate for
Africa.
|
Fair trade
This year, Africa could be on the
agenda again as it was in 1984. In the 21 years since Mo Amin's pictures
and Michael Buerk's script pricked the conscience of a global audience,
the gap between Africa and the rest of the world has widened.
Africa is the only continent
which is getting poorer as the Asian economies expand and Europe and the
United States consolidate.
UK Prime Minister Tony Blair has
set up a Commission for Africa which recommends that the world's
wealthiest nations
|
should write off debt,
increase aid and improve terms of trade.
He hopes this new deal for
Africa can be agreed at a summit in Gleneagles in Scotland in July.
As the commission gathered
evidence, I spoke to ordinary Africans and some of their leaders about
what could be done to turn the continent around. |

It is expected there will be 19 million Aids orphans by 2010 |
Affordable drugs
In Kenya, an elderly coffee
farmer complained about corruption. He told me poor prices were bad enough
but that local middle-men had taken his crop last year and failed to pay
him for it. "I hate them," he said.
He wanted honest officials and
fairer trade. In Ethiopia, a primary school headteacher explained that his
classes were overflowing with 70 to 80 pupils each, no computers and no
laboratory equipment.
He needed more teachers and more
investment. In Uganda, I met doctors working flat out to tackle the
medical emergency of HIV/Aids. One told me the impact of the virus on
Africa was so great it was dragging down the economy of the whole
continent. It is expected there will be 19 million Aids orphans in Africa
by 2010. More affordable anti-retroviral drugs are needed and better
funding for health education.
Indignation
The man credited with the idea of
a Commission for Africa is Bob Geldof, the rock musician, now Sir Bob, who
bullied and cajoled millions into giving money for Ethiopia back in the
1980s.
I watched him address a
conference at the Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh, with the Gleneagles
summit just a few weeks away. In a speech fizzing with indignation, Bob
Geldof argued that poverty was still killing 50,000 Africans every day.
The leaders of the world's rich
nations will be meeting in the luxurious surroundings of one of Scotland's
finest golfing hotels to consider what to do.
|

Bob Geldof has called for a change in Western attitudes towards Africa |
According to Bob Geldof, if
deaths on such a scale were happening in Europe, these presidents and
prime ministers out on the lush Gleneagles golf course would have
solved the problem between the first and second holes. From Our Own
Correspondent was broadcast on Saturday, 28 May 2005, at 1130 BST on
BBC Radio 4. Please check the programme schedules for World Service
transmission times. |
Ethiopia National Parliamentary and Local Elections – May 11-17, 2005,
Jimmy Carters Report
The Carter Center has had a long
and deep involvement in Ethiopia, beginning in 1988 when I responded to a
joint request from the International Red Cross and the UN High
Commissioner on Refugees. Dictator Mengistu Haile Meriam was refusing to
permit food, water, and medicine to be delivered to Ethiopian camps that
housed refugees from Somalia and Sudan. The U.S. had withdrawn our
ambassador, and there was no Western leader who could deal with him.
Within an hour, he and I had worked out a solution to the problem, with
international represent-atives delivering the supplies under Ethiopian
military es-corts.
Subsequently, Rosalynn and I spent 28 full days, 14 in Atlanta and 14 in
Nairobi, negotiating between Ethiopians and Eritreans, attempting to
secure a satisfactory level of peace after a 30-year war, with autonomy
for the occupied territory. Despite difficulties with Eritrean leader
Isaias Afwerke, we made a lot of progress, which led ultimately to Eritrea
becoming an independent nation. During these months, in 1989 and 1990, I
also became acquainted with Meles Zenawi, the leader of Tigrayan
revolutionaries.
He would meet me at airports in Paris, Atlanta, and London when I came
into the region, spread his war maps on the floor, and describe his
progress against Mengistu's forces. After Meles prevailed in 1991 and
despite my concerns about Eritrean leadership, he granted Eritrea complete
independence in 1993, cutting Ethiopia off from the Red Sea and making it
the most populous landlocked nation in the world.
The promise of Eritrean democracy
has not been realized, and Eritrea has been involved in the Sudan conflict
since 1994, invaded Yemeni islands in 1995, and a serious border dispute
with Ethiopia erupted in 1998 that cost 100,000 lives. Since 1992, The
Carter Center has helped Ethiopia write a constitution, arrange for
enlightened war crimes trials, eradicate Guinea worm, control river
blindness and trachoma, and increase food grain production. We have also
assisted in preparing curricula and training students at seven new public
health institutions.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi represents a relatively small ethnic group
from Tigray, and has had difficulty retaining political control in the
face of strong opposition from the much larger Oromo and other tribal
groups. His parliamentary elections in 1995 and 2000 (which we did not
observe) were carefully orchestrated to ensure a ruling party victory, and
we accepted invitations to observe this election after the prospects
seemed much more democratic. We established an office in Addis Ababa in
March, and our intermediate term observers in the country visited as many
regions as possible.
The most highly publicized event
was the expulsion of observer teams from the National Democratic
Institute, International Republican Institu-te, and the International
Found-ation for Electoral Systems. Although I appealed personally to the
Prime Minister, he refused to reverse the decision. This left our Center
(50 persons), the European Union (160 persons), African Union (31
persons), and several others as international observers, a total of about
330. All of us had unimpeded access to opposition leaders, polling sites,
and other aspects of the electoral process.
Ethiopia is a large nation, with a population of more than 70 million, 30
million of whom are eligible to vote, with 25.6 million registered to cast
ballots in 36,000 polling stations. Thirty-seven political parties have
qualified candidates to seek the 547 parliamentary seats plus local
community posts. Meles's ruling party, the Ethiopian People's
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) now holds 481 of the seats, and
there are two significant coalitions among the opposition: Union of
Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF) with 12 parties and a better organized
Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) with four parties.
There has been increased freedom for all candidates to campaign,
opposition parties were granted 56 percent of television time, and for
several months there have been televised public debates every week or two,
each of them unrestrained and lasting about three hours.
A number of domestic observer
groups were disqualified by the National Election Board (NEB), but this
decision was reversed by the Supreme Court. Unfortunately, this decision
came late in the electoral process, greatly hindering the efforts of
domestic observers to mobilize in rural areas. There have been continuing
reports from the opposition of intimidation and from the ruling party of
attempts to disrupt the electoral process. We and other international
observers have investigated as many of the complaints as possible and
found a few of them to be justified and called on the NEB to investigate
fully such complaints.
Co-leaders of our delegation are former President of Botswana Ketumile
Joni Masire and former Tanzanian Prime Minister Joseph Warioba. Preceding
the election, we met with John Hardman, Rachel Fowler, Samantha Aucock,
and our delegation leaders, U.S. Ambassador Brazeal, Prime Minister Meles,
members of the National Election Board, Ministers of Foreign Affairs and
Information, the first lady, opposition party leaders, domestic observer
groups, civil society leaders, other international observers, President
Girma Wolde-Giorgis Luncha, and the large press corps, and we attended a
reception at the U.S. embassy.
In our meeting with the prime minister, he made it plain that he wants a
peaceful resolution of the border dispute with Eritrea, will not initiate
military action, and will work with any mediator between him and Isaias
Afwerke. He is open to the recommendations of the U.N. border commission.
If the Eritreans launch a war, it will not be confined to the border, but
an all-out conflict with the goal of changing the administration in
Asmara. Meles considers the U.S. government the only interlocutor powerful
enough to induce (force) Isaias to agree to negotiation.
Meles claimed that the entire leadership of the EPRDF was committed to an
honest and fair election, and they have issued instructions to expel
anyone from the party who violates this commitment. Nevertheless, Meles
recognizes that local EPDRF leaders, some of whom are overly enthusiastic
and not controlled by the leadership, may have acted improperly. Meles
told us he wanted all international observers to assess any allegations of
impropriety and report them to him or the NEB.
The major campaign issues raised
by the opposition during more than a dozen televised public debates have
been the government's: a) willingness to live peacefully with Eritrea as
an independent nation and not part of Ethiopia; b) refusal to permit
private ownership of land; c) emphasis on development in the rural areas;
and d) respect for ethnic minorities as political entities. All these
issues are advent-ageous for the opposition in the urban areas, and such
basic changes would require a revolutionary constitutional tra-nsformation.
Other inevitable issues have been education, economic growth, transport-ation,
and electoral questions.
On election day, Rosalynn and I observed more than 40 polling places in
Addis Ababa, and our other teams visited sites in Dire Dawa and seven more
regions. There was a tremendous turnout with long and patient lines, no
significant violence, and opposition observers never reported any serious
problems. We happened to concentrate on a key problem area, in the extreme
eastern corner of the city, where a local election official had assigned
more than 4,500 voters to each of a half dozen voting places, in violation
of the NEB's 1,500 limit per site. At closing time, there were still
thousands of voters waiting, many having been in line since daybreak. We
got the top NEB officials to announce that anyone in line could vote, and
the managers came to the area to handle the situation. (The last persons
voted at 5:30 the next morning.)
Each of our teams witnessed closing and counting proce-dures, which were
without notable incidents, but the final tabulations will be a very slow
and methodical process over a period of about four weeks. There was a
strong showing of support for the opposition in the early counts and
post-election concern because some opposition leaders condemned the
process. Meles announced a 30-day prohibition against any mass
demonstrations in Addis Ababa during the long tabulation period,
explaining to me that his supporters were facing defeat in this area, and
he needed to prevent confrontations.
Opposition
parties continued to report intimidation, harassment, and incidents of
violence and say they will challenge the election results in some areas.
Observers are investigating these reports.
On Monday I shared our observations with the leader of the European Union
delegation, had a roundtable discussion with some reporters, and then a
press conference with my co-leaders Masire and Warioba.
Although there is no way to predict the final results or the likelihood of
altercations between now and June, there is little doubt that the
opposition parties will make substantial gains. While there were serious
problems in the run-up to the elections, many positive strides were made.
Depending on the transparency and fairness of the tabulation and
publication of results, the election could represent a quantum move
forward in democratization for Ethiopia.

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