US lawmaker urges Ethiopian Opposition not to boycott parliament The visiting US Congressman Christopher H. Smith urged Ethiopia’s opposition not to put into effect threats to boycott parliament in protest against alleged fraud in May general elections. Congressman Smith said the opposition would be better off voicing its views within the parliamentary system than from outside. However, according to a report by AFP, opposition party officials said they were disappointed by Smith’s calls for them to drop protests over alleged fraud, complaining the congressman did not understand the situation in Ethiopia. “We have realized Congressman Smith had not been well informed of the situation,” AFP quoted Dr. Beyene Petros, vice chair of the opposition United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF) as saying. “by implication, his message was asking us to join (Parliament) as the opposition with more seats than we had before and prepare ourselves for the next elections,” Dr. Beyene told AFP. He said Smith would convey the opposition’s concerns to Meles in follow-up meetings in the coming days. It is to be recalled that Congressman Smith was reported to have said “Opposition parties can play a positive role by actively participating in debates and other mutual concerns of the country peacefully.” “That is why multi-party or two-party systems are so good,” said Smith, the chairman of the House International Relations Committee’s panel of Africa and human rights. gEthiopia stands first in African countries in cost effectiveness for FDIAn International magazine entitled "Foreign Direct Investment" said Ethiopia stood first among African countries in cost effectiveness for foreign direct investment. In its statement sent to ENA, the ministry of Foreign Affairs said the magazine published by Financial Times Business Ltd, Ethiopia ranks second for its favorability for foreign direct investment among East and Central African Countries. In its 2005-2006 evaluation, the magazine said Ethiopia is favorable for foreign direct investment with its cheaper labor and suitable infrastructural development, among others, the statement said. It said the country had licensed foreign investment projects with an aggregate capital of 1.1 billion USD. Foreign investments in the Sudan in 2004 reach 1.4 billion dollars Foreign investment in the Sudan in the year 2004 reached 1.4 billion dollars, said the Minister of Finance and National Economy Al-Zubair Ahmed Hassan, at the Sudan Investment Forum 2005. The Minister explained that there are available opportunities of investment in different domains in Sudan, urging the foreign investors to join the local businessmen in partnership especially in the war-affected areas. He further added that work underway to attract funds from the regional and international funding institutions. The Minister explained that the Sudanese economy achieved growth rate of 7%, adding that there will be a package of investment-encouragement policies regarding the investment in the war-affected areas. Meanwhile, the forum was also addressed by the regional Manager of the World Bank, Isaac Dewayne, stressing importance of assisting Sudan by the businessmen and the donors in order to eradicate poverty. He further called for opening investment opportunities in the fields of infrastructures as well as developing the rural areas. He also stressed the importance of peace, considering the investors as peacemakers. g Eritrea holds US embassy staff for human trafficking
Eritrea has arrested two local employees of the US embassy in Asmara on charges of human trafficking, the government said. This is the latest in a series of diplomatic difficulties between the two countries. "These parties are accountable to the law for their illicit engagement in activities of human trafficking and, as such, like all other wrongdoers, they are being held under custody for their offence," Information minister Ali Abdu Ahmed said. The minister, speaking to Reuters in Nairobi by telephone, would not give more details of the incident. Several weeks ago, Eritrea’s rebel movement-turned-government asked the US government’s overseas development agency, USAid, to leave without any public explanation. The two countries are also still at odds over the arrest in 2001 of two other local employees of the embassy. The US mission in Asmara would not confirm or deny the latest arrests. A spokesman added that the two employees arrested in 2001 were still being held without charge despite Washington’s repeated demands for their release or trial. Abdu said Eritrea, which lies in the Horn of Africa, had a sovereign obligation to act in its national interests. "Like in any other sovereign states, citizens, irrespective of where they work, are accountable to the laws of the land," he said. A website run by Eritrean exiles, awate.com, said the embassy employees were arrested in August. It named them as Fitwi Gezae, "webmaster of the US embassy", and Biniam Girmay, a "facility management assistant". Awate.com said the pair arrested in 2001, Alli Alamin and Kiflom Ghebremichael, were "rumoured to have translated for the embassy the documents of Eritrean opposition groups". The employees, from the embassy’s political and economic affairs office, were detained shortly after the United States criticised Eritrea for cracking down on political dissent. When Washington demanded their release in 2002, Eritrea accused US authorities of using the CIA to try to overthrow its government during the 1998-2000 war with Ethiopia. Although Eritrea has not given reasons for its request that US Aid leave, diplomats speculate it is upset with the lead role taken by US Aid in the local aid community, or by a unilateral aid announcement it made in June. The Eritrean government has a history of sensitive relations with the foreign aid community due to its desire for self-reliance and resentment at what it sees as the international community’s favoritism for neighboring Ethiopia. — Reuters Somali hostage ship breakthrough
The hijackers who seized an UN-chartered ship carrying tsunami aid to Somalia 11 weeks ago have agreed to release the food on board after negotiations. The MV Semlow is now moving towards a port which serves the capital, where its rice cargo will be handed over to the Somali transitional government. The pirates had initially demanded $500,000 in ransom, but the United Nations' WFP said no money was paid. The ship's owner confirmed passengers were still on board the vesseles. "It has sailed from where she was and she is proceeding to Elmaan port, with passengers on board," Inayet Kudrati of the Motaku Shipping agency told Reuters news agency. Hampered
The WFP said the journey was likely to take between three to five days. The crew comprises eight Kenyans, a Tanzanian and their Sri Lankan captain. The ship, carrying 850 metric tons of rice, was captured off Haradere at the end of June east of the capital, Mogadishu, as it sailed from Mombasa in Kenya. It had food for victims of last year's Indian Ocean tsunami, near the port of Bossaso. WFP provides an average of 3,000 tons of aid a month to 275,000 people in Somalia. But its work is hampered by concerns over security. The country has had no functioning national government since 1991. The International Maritime Board has warned of an alarming increase in piracy in Somali waters and has urged shipping to avoid the area. Last month, three smaller fishing vessels were hijacked by gunman off the southern port town of Kismayo and some 40 crew members are being held hostage. Dozens of Kenyan MPs face arrest
A total of 65 MPs are among thousands of Kenyan officials who could be arrested from as early as next week. Under Kenya's anti-corruption law, all public officials are required to declare their assets each year. Speaking on Kenyan television, Justice Minister Kiraitu Murungi said he had ordered that those who had not filled their forms be charged in court.
The forms are confidential and only accessible to anti-corruption police during investigations. "These are very simple cases because the question is simple," he said "In 2003 did you declare [your wealth]? If the answer is no, I don't see us spending two weeks in court arguing about such a case," he said. In 2003, President Mwai Kibaki, who was elected on an anti-corruption platform, warned that those who do not make declare their assets could lose their jobs, and be liable to imprisonment. Donors have been growing increasingly critical of the Kenyan government's record on tackling corruption. Somali police block UN aid work Police in the Somali town of Jowhar, where the transitional government is based, have stopped local UN staff from entering their offices. The UN children's agency, UNICEF, said no reason had been given. Last week, foreign UN workers left the town because of security concerns after the arrival of some 1,000 troops to support President Abdullahi Yusuf. Final Statement on the Carter Center Observation of the Ethiopia 2005 National Elections September 2005 Executive Summary
he Carter Center was pleased to accept the invitation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia to observe the 2005 parliamentary elections in Ethiopia. The May 15 elections were for 524 of the country's 547 constituency-based seats in the national parliament. The remaining 23 seats in the Somali region were elected separately in votes held on August 21 after an assessment trip in January 2005; The Carter Center's observation mission opened an office in Addis Ababa on March 19 and has maintained a continuous field presence since that time. The Center deployed observers prior to voting day in early April to areas outside Addis Ababa to assess the political environment, election preparations, and the campaign. For the May 15 elections, the Center deployed observer teams to all regions of the country to monitor voting and counting processes. In addition, teams were redeployed to 36 constituencies in Amhara, Oromiya and SNNP regions to assess post-election tabulation processes. In late May and early June, the Center closely followed negotiations between the ruling and major opposition parties, which resulted in an agreement on June 10 to adopt an ad hoc complaints resolution process to deal with the large number of unresolved electoral complaints. According to the agreement, Complaints Review Boards (CRB) were established to screen election complaints to determine which merited a full investigation. Formal investigations and hearings were then conducted by 44 different Complaints Investigation Panels (CIPs) in 178 constituencies across the country. The Carter Center reviewed the operations of the CRBs, and sent observer teams to assess the investigation process in 14 CIPs covering 49 constituencies. The CIP processes resulted in a decision by the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) to hold re-votes in 31 constituencies. The Carter Center deployed teams to observe the re-vote process held on August 21 and the Somali region parliamentary elections held on the same day. In an effort to maximize observation coverage of the several phases of the electoral process, deployment of Carter Center observation teams was coordinated with the observation missions of the African Union and the European Union. This final statement and the more detailed final report to follow are based on Carter Center observation teams' reports on each of these phases of the 2005 election process. The Carter Center observation has been conducted according to international standards for non-partisan election observation and is in accordance with the Declaration of Principles for International Observers. Ultimately, it is the citizens and voters who determine the credibility of their elections. The 2005 Elections, the May 15 parliamentary elections were Ethiopia's third national elections following elections in 1995 and 2000. The 2005 elections took place in a highly contested environment and in a diverse country where regional considerations are influential and with the majority of voters in rural areas. In contrast with previous national elections, the 2005 elections were sharply contested and offered Ethiopian citizens a democratic choice for the first time in their long history. The ruling party took the initiative to negotiate with the opposition and level the playing field, and agreed to a number of important electoral reforms that created conditions for a more open and genuinely competitive process. The early negotiations between parties were, in and of themselves, a step forward for the democratization process in Ethiopia. The National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) implemented these reforms and adopted other important measures to increase transparency and responsiveness to political parties. Civil society organizations contributed greatly to the electoral process by organizing public forums, conducting voter education training, and deploying domestic observers. Most importantly, the Ethiopian public demonstrated their commitment to democracy through their active and enthusiastic participation in the May 15 poll. As a result of these efforts and others by diverse Ethiopian actors and institutions, the overwhelming majority of Ethiopians had the opportunity to make a meaningful choice in the May 15 elections. This significant accomplishment has the potential to lead to further democratization and to consolidate multiparty competition. While pre-election and Election Day processes were generally commendable, the post-election period was disappointing. The period following May 15 was marked by highly charged political tensions, several days of protests and electoral violence, delays in vote tabulation, a large number of electoral complaints, and a prolonged and problematic electoral dispute resolution process. The Center's key concerns during the post-May period relate to the conduct of the ad hoc CRB and CIP complaint resolution processes. The June 10 agreement to establish the complaints process was agreed to by all parties and was important in order to provide a cooling off period after the violence and arrests of early June and a mechanism to resolve electoral disputes. However, in retrospect the CRB/CIP process did not provide an adequate means for a fair resolution of all electoral disputes. A significant number of cases reviewed by the CRB in appeal included a dissenting opinion arguing that there was sufficient evidence to approve the case for investigation in a CIP. The CIP process was not executed in a uniform fashion across constituencies, with potentially consequential inconsistencies in the application of rules for the admission of evidence and witnesses. The majority of the constituency results based on the May 15 polling and tabulation are credible and reflect competitive conditions. However, a considerable number of the constituency results based on the problematic CRB and CIP processes lack credibility. In light of these problems, it is important to note that the CRB/CIP processes were ad hoc mechanisms to review electoral complaints, and that the prescribed legal recourse to challenge these decisions is via an appeal to the High Court. Therefore, it is incumbent upon dissatisfied political parties to file appeals to the High Court in an expeditious manner in those cases where they feel that there is credible evidence. If parties decide not to file court appeals, the NEBE's announced results should be accepted as final and legitimate. The Carter Center stands ready to assist Ethiopians and observe any other electoral processes as appropriate. Following is a summary of The Carter Center's observation findings for each phase of the election process. The May 15 Pre-election Period Starting in March, the Center maintained a field presence in Ethiopia. Six medium term observers were deployed in early April across the country to observe the political environment, election preparations, and the campaign. In contrast to previous elections, the pre-election campaign period provided sufficient conditions for a credible and competitive electoral process: · The ruling Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the Government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia took the initiative to level the electoral playing field. Electoral law was amended to streamline the candidate nomination process, eliminating the requirement of 500 signatures on nomination papers for party nominees and reducing the residence requirement for candidates from five years to two. · The NEBE demonstrated greater openness and dynamism. It established a system of joint political party forums at the national and sub national level. These provided a partially effective means of resolving problems among the parties and among the parties and the Board. In addition, the NEBE established a website to post the latest election news. · Opposition parties benefited from guaranteed access to state-owned electronic media under the formula devised by the Minister of Information in implementation of the electoral law. Access to the radio appears to have been particularly important as this medium has broad reach throughout the country. · A broad range of civil society organizations conducted civic education and organized a series of widely-discussed live televised debates. Ethiopian citizens saw that government officials could be challenged without retribution. · The competing parties pledged a code of conduct, while the ruling party issued its own comprehensive code to its members, specifically barring many of the abuses that opposition parties had complained of in the past. * Candidates campaigned widely and effectively. * Most dramatically, the electoral campaign climaxed in its final week with large and peaceful campaign rallies by major contenders in Addis Ababa. · International observers were invited to observe the entire electoral process. The result of these developments was that more than 90 percent of the races for the 547 seat House of Peoples Representatives were contested by both opposition parties and the ruling party in marked contrast to previous elections. For the first time a large majority of Ethiopian citizens was presented with a choice at the polls, and control of the national government hinged on the electoral process. In spite of these many positive developments, the Center also noted several concerns, some of which were reported in our Post-election Statement of May 16, 2005. · Carter Center observers heard and investigated many allegations of violence and intimidation during the campaign and pre-election period, some of which proved to be credible while others were exaggerated. In the instances where claims of violence or intimidation were credible, our observers noted a climate in which candidates felt constrained to campaign and voters to choose without fear of repercussions. · The campaign started out at a high level, focusing on issues rather than personalities, but degenerated in its final weeks into charges and countercharges of engaging in ethnic "hate speech." · Allegations of opposition plots to undermine the election even as it participated were disturbing, as were continued threats of opposition withdrawal throughout the campaign, the complaints process, and the re-elections. · The NEBE imposed severe restrictions on domestic election observation. On the eve of the election the Supreme Court overturned the NEBE's regulations on the types of domestic organizations it was prepared to grant credentials for election monitoring, but by then it was too late for domestic observers to deploy widely. Observer reports by these groups might have helped to reduce the complaints and confusion that emerged during the election. · Three US-based non-governmental organizations (NDI, IRI, and IFES), which could have provided invaluable assistance to the electoral process, were expelled in the months prior to the election. May 15 Election Day
or Election Day on May 15, the Center deployed 50 international observers from 17 countries (including Argentina, Canada, France, Liberia, Rwanda, South Africa, Sweden, the United States, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) to seven regions, as well as the special administrative regions of Dire Dawa and Addis Ababa. The delegation was co-led by former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, his wife, Rosalynn, former Botswana President Sir Ketumile Joni Masire, and former Prime Minister of Tanzania Judge Joseph Warioba. Due to logistical constraints, Carter Center observer teams were deployed to largely urban areas. Coverage of the more rural areas of the country was limited. In a post-election statement released May 16, the Center noted that the environment throughout most of the country on May 15 was calm and peaceful, and voter turnout was overwhelming. While citizens had to wait in extremely long lines, they showed remarkable patience. Irregularities in procedures were observed, but many of these were relatively minor, particularly in Addis Ababa. More serious irregularities were seen in other parts of the country, including instances of failure to check identification cards and of underage voting. Party representatives and domestic and community observers were present in most polling stations observed, especially in urban areas. Remarkably, there were almost no reports of problems from party agents present in the stations, although opposition party headquarters did submit a list of problems and allegations to Carter Center staff. On election night, in the context of the highly charged atmosphere among both opposition and ruling party supporters in the capital city, the Prime Minister imposed a one month ban on demonstrations in the capital city. May 15 Post-election Period Starting May 16 the quality of the electoral process in many ways declined rapidly. When disturbing reports were received about the vote counting and tabulation process, observation teams were redeployed to 36 constituencies in Amhara, Oromiya, and SNNP regions. Our observers received and in some instances were able to confirm credible reports of election-day and post-election intimidation and harassment. In several constituencies at the polling station level we found evidence that ballot boxes had been improperly moved, were improperly secured, or that party agents had been barred from polling stations or not allowed to watch the entire count. Generally, inquiries made to the NEBE in Addis Ababa were responded to quickly, but obtaining information from field offices was sometimes difficult. In Amhara and SNNP regions, observers experienced difficulty in accessing information from local NEBE officials. In the days following the election, it became clear that the ruling party had lost by a landslide in Addis Ababa and most urban and peri-urban areas in the country. Election results trickled in, but there was no authoritative information on outcomes for rural constituencies. Both the ruling and opposition parties claimed victory. The opposition accused the ruling party of fraud and rigging the election, while the ruling party accused the opposition of carrying out an orchestrated plot to destabilize the country and subvert the constitution. Opposition parties no longer had access to state-owned media, which had been available during the campaign period. The NEBE faced a difficult and challenging situation in the late May-early June period. With both the ruling party and opposition parties claiming victory, it became important for the NEBE to release provisional results as they were available. However, finalizing elections in more than half the country's constituencies became mired in unresolved complaints. As the scheduled June 8 date for the announcement by the NEBE of provisional results approached, it became apparent that the deadline was not going to be met. At dawn on June 6 Addis Ababa university students demonstrated at their campus, resonating opposition complaints that the election had been rigged. Hundreds of students were soon arrested, and rumors of a general strike were heard around the city. On June 8 a transportation strike spread throughout Addis Ababa. Violence and gunfire broke out in several areas of the city. Official reports placed the number of shooting deaths during this June 6-8 period at 37, with hundreds injured. Following the protests, opposition party leaders and supporters were rounded up and arrested, or placed under house arrest. Opposition leaders claimed these acts were political persecution, while the government blamed the opposition for inciting the violence. On June 9 the Carter Center issued a public statement condemning excessive use of force by security personnel and the harassment of political leaders. The Center called on all parties to use legal mechanisms to address any election related disputes. Complaints Review and Investigation Processes Carter Center personnel followed the negotiations that led to the adoption by the ruling and major opposition parties of the ad hoc complaints resolution process to deal with the numerous complaints that were not resolved through established complaints resolution processes. The ad hoc process was structured to include two Complaints Review Boards (CRB) and 44 Complaints Investigation Panels (CIPs). The Carter Center followed the operations of the first CRB, which screened the initial complaints, some of which were approved for investigation. The Center then followed the second CRB, which was established to provide the opportunity for a second hearing to appeal decisions taken by the first CRB. Parties were allowed to introduce additional evidence into the deliberations of the second CRB. The first CRB consisted of five lawyers and the second CRB consisted of two NEBE officials, and one legal advisor. Carter Center observers attended 14 of the 44 CIPs that conducted the final phase of the complaints resolution process. As the CRB/CIP processes are the more problematic aspects of the electoral process, this statement includes more background and detailed findings. Background, The NEBE Polling Station Handbook, distributed to all of the polling stations, provided for the establishment of complaints committees at each polling place and outlined further steps for complaints that could not be resolved at that level, including ultimate resort to the Federal High Court. Prior to the elections, judges and prosecutors were trained on election law and special benches of judges and "fast-tracking" procedures for election cases were introduced. Carter Center observers saw little evidence of effective use of established complaints procedures in the polling stations observed. The NEBE reported that the ruling party did avail itself of this system. But opposition parties appeared to have difficulty navigating the complaints process. Some opposition complaints were dismissed due to a lack of information or evidence. In other cases, the complaints were not addressed by the relevant local authority. Ultimately the established complaints resolution process did not prove effective for many of the cases. By early June, some 380 complaints involving numerous seats in the parliament had been presented to the national level NEBE. Although the NEBE had the authority to dismiss them out of hand, it extended deadlines for submission of evidence, providing complainants with more opportunities to present additional evidence. In an effort to deal with the complaints in a credible manner, the NEBE consulted with the ruling and opposition parties and the international community to devise new procedures. After several days of intense negotiation, on June 10 the ruling party and the major opposition parties signed an agreement to adopt the ad hoc complaints resolution process, accepting the legal authority of the NEBE and the courts and agreeing to abide by their decisions. Complaints Review Board (CRB). The Carter Center followed parts of the CRB process and conducted a review of the CRB data and the decisions provided by the NEBE. From the available information, it appears that the initial CRB adequately handled the cases reviewed, with an appropriately permissive threshold for sending the complaints forward based on either quantity or quality of evidence. The second CRB referred an additional 25 cases for investigation. However, the Center noted that the outside legal expert on the CRB dissented in 14 cases in which the CRB voted 2-to-1 to reject the complaints because parties were bringing evidence of irregularities at additional polling stations within the same constituencies. The basis for these rejections is not clear given that the complaints process was structured at the constituency level. Complaints Investigation Panel (CIP). A Complaints Investigation Panel (CIP) consists of a NEBE official as chair and one representative from each of the complainant parties and the party that stood to lose the seat should the complaint be upheld. The CIP was charged with investigating the complaints by traveling to affected areas and calling on and hearing witnesses and assessing the veracity of the claims. Observation teams attended 14 of the 44 CIPs that conducted the final phase of the complaints resolution process. From the some 380 complaints, the two-part CRB screening process identified 178 at the constituency level for investigation by CIPs. The NEBE created 44 CIPs, which fanned out over the country to investigate complaints in 178 constituencies. The Carter Center observed the process in 14 panels covering 49 constituencies. We observed: · Inconsistencies in the application of rules for the admission of evidence and witnesses · Credible reports of intimidation of witnesses · Apparent partisanship on the part of NEBE presiding officers · Intentional delays on the part of opposition parties · Withdrawals from the process by the opposition parties, resulting in decisions being taken in their absence Notwithstanding the fact that the CIP's terms of reference (TOR) permitted adjustments to the operating rules based on consensus of the panel, there seemed to be no clear instruction or guidelines from the NEBE regarding acceptable modifications in operation of individual panels. While the flexibility of the rules of procedure was an important factor in allowing the process to go forward, it was undermined by the lack of clear procedural parameters that resulted in inconsistencies in the conduct of the panels.
er Article 12 of the rules of procedure the complainant and other interested parties can only request a reasonable number of witnesses, in no case to exceed five, for each irregularity alleged. However in observed panels, some only heard testimony from five witnesses, others heard testimony from five witnesses per complaint raised, and still others heard testimony from five persons per polling station. There was a lack of clarity regarding the criteria for deciding whether re-elections should be held only in certain polling stations or throughout the entire constituency. In a third of the panels observed, the CIPs limited the complaints to only those noted on the checklist from the CRB's initial review, even though the rules of procedure state that all issues raised in the complaint should be considered. In the majority of cases the Center observed, witnesses could give testimony without fear of retribution. However in a third of the panels, the Center found either individuals not willing to talk to the CIP for fear of reprisals, witnesses who appeared frightened or intimidated while testifying in front of the panel, or credible evidence of intimidation and harassment, including beatings and briberies, in the areas around the Panel sites. In slightly less than half of the CIPs observed, the Center found that CIP members behaved in ways that created the appearance of political bias, including refusing to hear evidence, not providing clear explanations of reasons for decisions, and quickly dismissing opposition arguments. Although the terms of reference called for CIPs to operate by consensus, binding majority decisions were allowed in cases when consensus could not be reached. Reaching consensus in such a highly charged environment proved extremely difficult. Only a third of CIP decisions observed by the Center were made by consensus. In another third of the cases, one or more parties refused to sign the decision. There were far fewer consensus decisions made in the CIP constituencies that the Center did not observe. Given the complicated task, another factor undermining the process was the time pressure facing the CIPs to complete their work. This was exacerbated by delaying tactics and withdrawals by the opposition. In several constituencies observed by the Center, opposition complainants halted work of the panel in order to subpoena an incarcerated witness. The Center only observed one case where a detained person was not subpoenaed and thus not able to participate in the hearing. However, the Center observed two cases in which the NEBE chair issued subpoenas to call detained witnesses (both for opposition complainants), but where the complainant indicated they no longer desired the testimony of the subpoenaed individuals. The efforts to locate these people delayed the panels for a considerable amount of time. Most instances of intentional delays observed by the Center were caused by opposition parties. In the majority of cases observed, the practice of bringing forward incarcerated persons for testimony appeared to work. It should also be noted that early in the process opposition advocates and panelists withdrew from the proceedings in some constituencies to protest what they viewed as biased decisions by the CIPs. According to the terms of reference, the panel is to proceed if the party absent is the provisional seat holder, but should drop the case if the party absent is the complainant. As a result, unfortunately, the deliberative purpose of the panel was not possible in the instances of withdrawals. The Carter Center acknowledges the challenging conditions under which the CIP process was implemented, and that the negotiations and agreements to undertake the CIPs provided a cooling off period in the wake of the early June unrest. In retrospect, however, given the highly charged and distrustful environment, it seems clear that the CIPs were structurally flawed in the sense that the complainants themselves were part of the panel judging the veracity of their own claims. The process relied heavily on the good faith effort of all parties involved to stay engaged in and committed to the conclusion of the process. Overall, the CIP mechanism did not provide an adequate remedy to ensure a fair resolution of all electoral complaints, and it did not serve to increase general confidence in the election process. It is important to note that the NEBE provided multiple opportunities for dissatisfied parties to bring forward additional evidence. The sheer volume of complaints clogged the system and distracted the NEBE from other operational duties. Looking forward, it is incumbent upon the NEBE to clarify electoral complaint procedures early in the election process, and for parties to create internal mechanisms for presenting credible evidence in a timely manner within the established parameters. August 21 Re-elections As a result of the CIPs, the NEBE conducted re-elections in 31 constituencies on August 21. The opposition party Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) unsuccessfully challenged the re-voting in court, claiming that the NEBE had not justified its decisions on which constituencies deserved new polling. Carter Center observer teams were deployed to 11 of those constituencies for the August 21 ballot, visiting 94 polling stations. The Center's observers reported that election administration ran smoothly in most polling stations. In some places identification (ID) cards were not checked, polling stations opened late and closed early, and voters' fingers were not checked for indelible ink. In almost half of the constituencies observed, voters and community members appeared to lack knowledge as to why the re-election was taking place. Prior to polling day there were reports of intimidation of opposition members and supporters. Although there were few formal withdrawals from the re-elections, in many places the opposition parties effectively surrendered the field, and opposition party representatives were difficult to find and interview. Armed militia, police, and/or military personnel were seen outside of polling stations in many areas visited by CC observers, and in some areas also inside the polling stations. Although security personnel can be present inside the station if requested by polling station officials, in the polarized environment surrounding the re-elections, some Center observers reported that the security presence appeared to have an intimidating effect on voters. The ruling party made a clean sweep of the re-elections, in some cases overturning what had been substantial defeats in the 15 May elections. August 21 Somali Region Elections For 2005, elections in the 23 constituencies of the Somali Region were scheduled on August 21. In four constituencies they had to be further postponed because voter registration had not been completed. The period before the election was marked by announcements of withdrawals from the elections by the major regional opposition parties. Four Carter Center observer teams were deployed into three urban areas in the Somali region to observe the August 21 voting. On Election Day, Carter Center observers found that polling stations were chaotic, with the voting process extremely disorganized. Observers uniformly witnessed instances of underage voting, multiple voting, heightened security presence (anticipated due to extreme insecure conditions in this region), openly partisan polling officials, and open campaigning on voting day in and around polling stations. Opposition parties did not engage in the process in many areas. While the Somali elections suffered from severe irregularities, the Somali region is somewhat of an anomaly in Ethiopia. The region is clan and tribe-based, a large part of the population is pastoral, and elders are influential in the local communities. Most Somalis did not appear disturbed by the apparent irregularities in the process as it unfolded, and certainly no one tried to hide events from the scrutiny of observers. It also should be noted that the NEBE was planning for the Somali elections at the same time it was conducting the CIP process, so its resources were heavily challenged. More civic education campaigns are likely needed prior to future elections, as well as a careful review of how best to implement elections in the region. National Election Board The NEBE is to be commended for its electoral preparations and successes in implementing the May 15 voting process. The increased transparency and responsiveness of the NEBE was an improvement over previous elections. The NEBE showed remarkable flexibility and responded in an inclusive and timely fashion to the demands to replace the complaints process that had proved inadequate. However, there are several areas of concern with respect to the NEBE's performance in the course of the election. The focus and dedication to impartiality that were exhibited by the NEBE at the national level quickly dissipated in some areas outside of Addis Ababa, especially as the complaints process wore on. While NEBE officials reported that some election officials were replaced in response to verified claims of partisan activities, there remains a need to ensure election officials at all levels are accountable and perform their duties effectively and transparently. Conclusion
he May 15, 2005, elections were Ethiopia's third national election. The 2005 elections were held to choose representatives to fill 547 seats in the parliament in a very diverse country, where regional considerations matter and where regional and local leaders wield a high degree of influence. The elections process demonstrated significant advances in Ethiopia's democratization process, including most importantly the introduction of a more competitive electoral process, which could potentially result in a pluralistic, multi-party political system. Ethiopians saw and understood that public policy appropriately receives debate, that public media cover multiple points of view, that voters' choices can result in the election of opposition members of parliament, and that local administration may be in the hands of a party other than the ruling party. Depending on developments in the coming months and years, the 2005 elections could potentially represent a historic sea change in attitudes toward political power and competition in Ethiopia. The Carter Center's assessment of the elections suggests that the majority of the constituency results based on the May 15 polling and tabulation are credible and reflect competitive conditions. However, a considerable number of the constituency results based on the CRB and CIP processes are problematic and lack credibility. Within the universe of seats impacted by the complaints process, many of these cases lacked sufficient evidence to warrant challenging the result. However, serious problems were found in parts of the CRB process and in a considerable number of the CIPs. In addition, there were problems in some of the re-election constituencies. In this context, it is important to note that the CRB/CIP processes were ad hoc mechanisms to review electoral complaints, and that the prescribed legal recourse to challenge these decisions is via an appeal to the High Court. It is incumbent upon dissatisfied political parties to file appeals to the High Court in an expeditious manner in those cases where they feel there is credible evidence. If parties decide not to file court appeals, the NEBE's announced results should be accepted as final and legitimate. The Carter Center stands ready to assist Ethiopians and observe any other electoral processes as appropriate. The NEBE is entering polling station level results into a database, aggregating these results and comparing them to the constituency level results. This is an essential procedure, which should be completed soon, and will provide important polling station data for all parties to cross-check results. The opposition CUD claims to have polling station level data proving it won more seats in parliament than the official NEBE results indicate. It is incumbent upon parties to bring data and evidence of discrepancies to the NEBE as soon as possible. On May 15 an overwhelming number of Ethiopian voters stood in line for long hours to express their democratic right to elect their leaders. They exhibited faith in a process and a desire for democracy and sent clear messages to all Ethiopian political leaders that this desire was a will of the people. In the spirit of the expressed will on the part of the electorate for furthering democracy in Ethiopia, we urge the leaders of the new parliament, both ruling party and opposition, to work together to devise new rules and practices to ensure that all voters' interests are represented in parliament, and that the upcoming 2006 woreda and 2010 national elections build on the gains made during the 2005 elections. This is The Carter Center's fourth post-election statement. Previous statements were issued on May 16, 2005, June 3, 2005, and June 9, 2005. The Carter Center was founded in 1982 by former U.S. President Jimmy Carter and his wife, Rosalynn, in partnership with Emory University, to advance peace and health worldwide. A not-for-profit nongovernmental organization, the Center has helped to improve life for people in more than 65 countries by resolving conflicts; advancing democracy, human rights, and economic opportunity; preventing diseases; improving mental health care; and teaching farmers to increase crop production. Please visit www.cartercenter.org to learn more about The Carter Center. Role of agriculture topped Addis ministerial
he role of agricultural education in improving livelihoods of rural societies was one of the main issues be discussed at a three-day ministerial conference held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on September 7. The event was organised by the Association for the Development of Education in Africa (ADEA), the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and Unesco’s Inter-national Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP) in partnership with Ethiopia’s Ministry of Education. The Italian Development Coo-peration Agency (DGCS) and the Norwegian Trust Fund for Education in Africa, administered by the World Bank. Ministers of edu-cation, agriculture and rural development from Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Guinea, Kenya, Madagascar, Mozam-bique, Niger, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda will attend. Others to attend will be representatives of Nepad, the African Union, civil society organizations, as well as a variety of bilateral and multilateral develop-ment bodies such as the ILO, Oxfam, Unesco, Unicef, the Swiss Cooperation Agency (DDC), the Dutch Cooperation, the German Adult Education Association and the World Bank.In Africa, rural dwellers account for 70 per cent of the population or more than 500 million people. The main purpose of the meeting is to draw the attention of policy-makers and development agencies to the fact that priority should be given to quality education in rural areas. This is essential from the standpoint of education for all and poverty reduction. The meeting is also seeking to promote dialogue bet-ween the countries involved and to reinforce national and regional partnerships for rural education. The participants reported on the current situation of education for rural people, as regards enrollment and literacy rates as well as training and skills develop-ment. They will review policies for education and skills formation set forth in national EFA plans and poverty reduction strateg-ies. Means of improving analysis of the educational contexts and needs of rural dwellers as well as appropriate policies and effective stra-tegies for increasing access to education will be dis-cussed. Others worked with children, isolated popula-tions, nomadic peoples, refugees and displaced persons, the poor and other vulnerable groups such as people living with HIV/Aids. Emphasis gave to means of broadening access to distance education, non-formal education and work/ study education programs and further developing pro-grams for early child-hood. Some of the topics discussed included access to education, quality and relevance of education; non-formal education for farming communities; train-ing to build capacity in agri-culture and rural develop-ment and the working conditions of teachers in connection with improving the quality of education. About Environment - The earth belongs always to the living generation: they may manage it, then and what proceeds from it, as they please, during their usufruct. Thomas Jefferson Sep 6, 1789 - It is our task in our time and in our generation to hand down undiminished to those who come after us, as was handed down to us by those who went before, the natural wealth and beauty which is ours.John F. Kennedy Mar 3, 1961 FEDERALISM AND GOOD GOVERNANCE In SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA By Prof. Kinfe Abraham Overview A decade ago, single-party states and military dictatorships were the norm in sub-Saharan Africa. The 2003 Freedom House report, using its stringent criteria, listed 18 African countries as free. Many more countries have made significant strides toward free and fair elections, effective governance and respect for internationally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms. Some long-term civil wars have been concluded or may be near resolution. Ethiopia is one of such countries because of the conclusion of the brutal epoch of the Derge regime in Ethiopia in 1991 and the enactment of a number of swiping reforms, which have altered the entire political and economic landscape of the country over the last fifteen years. Nevertheless, democratic efforts and human rights in Ethiopia as indeed is the case in the rest of Africa face critical challenges. These are consequences of continuing conflicts in some countries and regions, weak institutions and leadership, disunity among racial, linguistic, religious, and tribal groups, corruption, and poor governance. The important changes that have taken place in Ethiopia in recent years, however, underscore the thirst and the determination of all people for good governance. Reforms of Good Governance and the Rule of Law One of the changes that have taken place in Ethiopia in the recent past includes the reforms introduced to revamp the Ethiopian economy through a number of measures taken to liberalize and open it up. The other measures taken include revision of the investment law to attract foreign and domestic investment and stimulate economic growth by introducing various policies aimed at reviewing macro-economic trends, the financial sector, trade and other key socio-economic segments of the economy. Other critical reform measures taken during the post-1991 period include the formation of a transitional government and parliament and the drafting and enactment of a new federal constitution which stands in stark contrast to the unitary constitutions which obtained during the reign of the Emperor and the military regime. Reforms aimed at improving the legal system The early task which faced the EPRDF in its effort of making a clear break from the period of military rule was reviewing the legal system and governance situation. This was aimed to improve the governance situation. The task of reform was also rendered very urgent by the desire of the EPRDF to prosecute the Derg officials for war crimes. Hence, the Special Prosecutor's Office (SPO) was established in 1992. Nevertheless, the EPRDF did not stop at prosecuting war criminals. Instead, it engaged in ushering Ethiopia in an era of constitutional rule. As noted above, this was done by drafting a new federal constitution, which was preceded by the convening of a convention of nations and nationalities in July 1991. At the July convention, the debate focused on the formation of a multinational parliament, the creation of a transitional government and multinational cabinet etc. A new administrative division of the country, which took into, account the ethnic composition, culture and language was also introduced paving the way for a decentralized administrative system. This recognized the right of nations to self-administration based on the formation of regional states under a federal system of government. Decentralization as an instrument of Good Governance Some of the attributes, which the EPRDF was expected to, reflect in the emerging federal state (as articulated in many of its documents), were that:
The above two conditions were seen as essential attributes for a decentralized democratic process based on the will of nations to exercise self-administration. In line with the above, one of the quintessential pillars of the new constitution is that it attempts to define the terrain of accountability of the federal government and the regional states and the rights and obligations of the citizenry at large. This act, at once, qualified Ethiopia to be a member of a community of civilized nations, which uphold the supremacy of the rule of law. This is based on the will of the nations, which constitute it. It also forms the bases for decentralization and good governance. The Essence of the Decentralization Process The groundwork for the decentralization process, which took stock of past conflicts and grievances, was laid down through the acceptance of the following principles: § recognition of the equality of nations and nationalities including the right to determine their status; § acceptance of the process and praxis of elected representation including the concept of an elected government with a defined tenure of office and briefs of accountable mandate; and § the right of the individual to follow the religion of his/her choice without any form of discrimination. The core concepts in the above are decentralization and the acceptance of the notion of federal government. This accommodates the aspirations of the various regions and/or nations, which make up Ethiopia. Simultaneously, the federal states retain central authority. This is hoped to prevent future centrifugal and centripetal forces, which can pull the country in different directions and lead to disintegration and anarchy. The Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE), through its proposals and the parliament through its collective wisdom, had also performed an admirable job by convincing the citizenry about the merits of federalism as a rational choice for a multi-national and multi-religious country like Ethiopia. They propagated and promoted the notion through open public debate at different levels. The goal of this was to convince all citizens that federalism can and will address their socio-economic needs and their needs of human rights including justice and self-government more effectively than the unitary state. Some of the arguments used to justify decentralization are discussed under the following sub-topics. The Merits of Decentralization and Federalism One argument put forward for the federal formula was that the unitary state in a multiethnic society like Ethiopia is intrinsically ill-equipped to be democratic. It cannot be reformed and is therefore inappropriate if the equality of all nations and their human rights are to be guaranteed. There were also other reasons put forward to justify why federalism is a logical and rational choice. One reason put forward was that both power and responsibility would be farmed out to the regional self-governing units. It was also argued that regional autonomy in turn will gradually promote local democracy, a spirit of self-reliance, competition as well as capacity for organized action. A third argument advanced in favour of federalism was that it makes it possible to adapt public services to local needs and that it promotes and safeguards freedom, democracy and responsible governance. Fourthly, it was argued that federalism can stimulate socially beneficial inter-community competitiveness, innovation and experimentation with new forms and methods of government. This in turn can foster progress. Finally, it was plausibly posited that federalism can also promote political stability and reduce the burden of the national government. The gov-ernment may then devote its time, energy and resources to issues of multinational concern. CHINA-AFRICA RELATIONS Facing the 21st Century By He Wenping , Research Fellow Institute of West Asian & African Studies, CASS
t is one of the most important aspects for China’s foreign policy that strengthen and develop long-term, stable and for-ward-looking ties with African nations in the 21st century. All as developing countries, China and African countries support and the biggest developing country in the world, African counties support and help each other for a quite long time in the history. As China is the biggest developing country in the world, Africa is the biggest developing continent, which has the largest number of countries. A long-term, stable, friendly and co-operative Sino-African rela-tion will not be only beneficial for the solidarity and cooper-ation among the developing countries, but will have significant influence on the trend of multi-polarization of world politics. Historical Review of Sino-African Relations The friendly relations between China and Africa could be traced back to ancient time even though geographically far distance. The earliest contact was in China’s Han Dynasty, 200 B. C.. From then on, through Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing Dynasties, the contacts between China and Africa have been semi-colony and colony in succession, suffered colonial aggression and rule for long period, and carried out struggle against imperialism, colonialism, and struggled for international liberation. The common histo-rical misfortunes, struggle expe-riences and their cooperation have forged deep friendships among the Chinese and African people. Reviewing the age-old friendship between China and Africa, it is not difficult to find out that 1960s was fruitful period for African’s national independent movement (19 African countries became independent), also the period in which Sino-African relations were established and developed. From December 1963 to June 1965, the late Chinese Premier Zhou En-lai visited Africa 3 times successively including 11 African relations to a high level. During his visit, Premier Zhou proposed the Five Principles for developing relations between China and Africa, Arab states and the Eight Principles governing china’s Aid to other countries, which defined the basic political and economic norms for developing Sino-African relations. Under these principles, China and Africa established a new kind of equality and mutual support relationship, which is unprecedented in the history of international relations. In late of 1960s, influenced by the “Cultural Revolution” in china, Sino-African relations once paced up and down and even suffered setbacks. From 1965 to 1967, 5 African countries successively cut off the diplomatic relations with China. Fortunately, the situation soon got reversed at the early of 1970s. In the whole 1970s, China established diplomatic relations with 25 African countries and resumed diplomatic relations with above five African countries. African countries gave strong support when china rehabilitated its legal seat in the United Nations in 1971. Since 1978, while China has adopted the reform and opening up policy, which regard the economic development as the core, China’s African Policy has been made readjustment thereafter. While keep strengthening the friendly political relations with African counties, China is turning its focus on economic and trade relations, emphasizing to conduct varied economic & technical cooperation on the basis of equality and mutual benefit. Early 1983, china proposed the four principles for developing economic cooperation with African countries, i.e., equality and mutual benefit; stress practical results; varied forms and co-development. The four principles are the deepening and development of the eight principles, which we mentioned before, it, is pushing the new era’s Sino-African ties forward forcefully. The Current situation of Sino-African Relations In 1990s, with the end of the Cold War and the changes of Africa’s situation, China readjusts timely its Africa’s policy to the economic and trade cooperation. It can be said that Sino-African relations have entered a new era of all-round cooperation in the fields of political, economic and culture exchanges. 1. in the field of politics, China respects and supports African countries make their own choice on their political system and developing route which is suitable to their national conditions. The bilateral ties are getting strengthened through frequent high-level exchange visits and consulting. After the end of Cold War, in order to bring Africa into the orbit dominated by them, western countries pursue forcefully so-called “political democracy” in Africa, and put the aids linked up with democracy. This policy dampens seriously African countries’ national pride and national feeling; produce the social turbulence in Africa. In China’s view, choosing the way of development and political system is the internal affairs countries and their deserved right, other countries should not interfere. Any foreign model imposed on Africa will go to failure at last. China firmly supports African countries making their own choice on the way of development. China will definitely not against African countries develop capitalism as China itself takes the route of socialism. China would like to develop friendly contacts and varied economic cooperation with all African countries on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence. African countries appreciate, appraise China’s viewpoint, and support China again in the struggle with western countries on China’s human right issue in the Human Rights Committee of UN for several years. For a long time, china has kept up the good tradition of exchanging high-level visits with African leaders and consulting one another frequently. At the end of 1980s when China had the political trouble and suffered the “sanction” given by western countries, the first of foreign president, premier and foreign minister who broke the ice and came to visit China are all from Africa. Since then, there are more than hundred times of bilateral exchange visits at ministerial level or higher level, totally about 50 African presidents or premiers. Almost African leaders whose countries have diplomatic relations with China have come to Beijing. Chinese president Jiang Zemin, former premier Li Peng visited more than 10 African countries in May 1996 and May 1997 respectively, footmarks left in all African continents. During his visit, president Jiang proposed five suggestions for strengthening Sino-Africa relations, i.e., with sincerely friendship, become reliable all-whether friends; treat each other equally, mutual respect for each other’s sovereignty, mutual non-interference in each other’s internal affairs; mutual benefit and seek common development; strengthen consultation and make close cooperation in international affairs; facing the future and create a better world. These five suggestions gain wide welcome from African countries and its people since it added new vitality for developing Sino-African ties. In Premier Li Peng’s African tour, he elaborated Chinese government’s general evalua-tion of Sino-African relations under new situation: There is not any interest conflicts and historical accumulated rancour between China and Africa. Both China and Africa are facing the heavy task of developing economy; China and Africa have wide-ranging common interests in international affairs, and have a sound foundation for economic cooperation which have huge developing potential-lity; Since China and Africa share the common interests on some important items, the develop-ment of Sino-African relations has a bright future. Frequent high-level exchange visits are not only beneficial for exchanging views and coordinating positions, but also helpful for developing tradi-tional friendship. 2. In the field of economy, China reforms the forms of providing aid to foreign countries, widens the fields of cooperation, enhances the economic, and trade cooperation. For a long time, the gratuitous assistance providing to Africa has been one of important aspects in China’s economic & trade relations with Africa. From 1956, that was first year for providing gratuitous assistance, China has provided almost RMB 20 billion cash assistance (not including material and technical assistance) covering 52 African countries, and established more than 560 whole plants (such as famous Tanzania-Zambia Railway) with the money. In 1990s, the gratuitous assistance providing for Africa has been rising in scale and the proportion in our total foreign aid. The scope of assistance covered every aspects of recipient countries’ economy, such as agriculture, forest, animal husbandry, fishery, manufacture, culture and health care, etc. China’s assistance has played important role for the social and economic development of recipient countries.
n recent years, with the changes of international and national situations, China began to reform its works of providing foreign aid. Through conducting diversification of aid forms and aid funds, China will help recipient countries to establish some productive projects, which have local resources and market. Chinese enterprises can make use of the chance to have long-term cooperation with recipient countries’ enterprises and to realize the international management. The main contents of reforming foreign aid are including no more providing interest-free loan, strongly pushing forward the form of preferential loan with interest subsidized by the Chinese government and the form of joint venture and cooperation for China’s aid project, adding appropriately gratuitous assistance to poor and the least developed countries. The characteristic of foreign aid reforming is to enlarge the source of funds by combining the Chinese government’s for-eign aid funds with the funds of the Chinese banking institu-tions, thereby to expand the scale of China’s aid to foreign countries and promote direct cooperation between the enter-prises of the two sides in investment, equipment, techno-logy, etc. In addition, the managing way of interest-risk-share can impel Chinese enterprises actively train local mangers that are competent at their job both in the time of collaboration and after the period of collaboration when all Chinese partners have left.
herefore, the local managers can maintain the enterprise’s good running situation independently, and produce economic benefits for recipient countries themselves continually. The foreign aid’s reform which beneficial for both China and Africa gets the comprehension and support from African countries. From July 1995 to the end of 1997, China has signed more than 20 framework agreements of preferential loan with interest subsidized by the Chinese government with 19 African countries, approximately 20 joint ventures and cooperation projects have been approved and conducted. Since China adopted the strategy of market diversi-fication in 1991, the trade volume between China and Africa has increased greatly. So far, China has established trade relations with almost 60 African country and regions (the main trade partners are South Africa, Egypt and Nigeria), set up more than 150 trade companies and agents in Africa. In 1997 trade value between China and Africa countries surpass $ 5 billion, approximately 4 times of that in 1988. Sino African trade is will complementary. Africa rich-produced minerals, oil, log, cotton, coca and so on are the things which China needs to import in a large number for its economic development, and the textile, light industrial products, rice, daily necessities and electrical appliances which China produced are deeply funded by African consumers as these products are of better quality and cheaper price. China enters the market of contracted engineering projects and labour services in Africa later than some western countries, but develops rapidly. According to the statistics reported by ministry of foreign trade and economic cooperation (Moftec), by the end of June 1997, the total number who engaged in contracted engineering projects and labour services in Africa has reached 26 thousands, the contracts worth $ 8.8 billion in total, and the value of completed projects amounted to $6.2 billion. In the scale, the contracted projects, which Chinese companies signed with some African countries, have developed from small or middle projects in the past to big even super projects valued hundreds and thousands dollars at the moment. So far, the biggest contacted project is the engineering of rehabilitation of Nigeria’s railway system and construction of new ports, which valued $ 528 million. In addition, China’s investment in Africa is also developing quickly in 1990s. At present, the direct investment projects from China have reached 220 approxi-mately, almost valued $ 200 million. In order to enhance Sino-African trade and create essential condition for Chinese enterprise to open up African market, Chinese government has gradually established 10 “investment, development and trade center” which locates respectively in Egypt, Guinea, Mali, Cote d’Ivoire, Cameroon, Gabon, Zambia, Mozambique, Tanzania and Nigeria. The centers themselves do not doing trade, only provide payment services for providing duty-protected warehouse, office and accommodation, custom, insurance, transporta-tion, remittance, consultation and safe guarantee, etc. Chinese enterprises, which have found suitable project in Africa, is eligible to apply government –subsidized loans to make up the money shortage for starting the cooperative projects. For the sake of convenient for Chinese enterprises to settle accounts and make remittance, Chinese Import & Export Bank and Bank of China have set up branch banks in Guinea and Zambia respectively. In order to strengthen internal coordin-ation and from the joint forces for developing Sino-African trade, the State Council of china has set up an “African economic, trade and technical cooperation & coordination group” which in charge planning, organizing and coordinating the work of developing trade, investment and technical cooperation with Africa. In September 1997, Moftec convened a national conference specially focusing on developing Sino-African econo-mic & trade cooperation. It is the first meeting of this kind since the founding of PRC, where almost 200 presidents and managers from big companies and government officials from provincial level attended. 3. In the field of science and culture, China and Africa help supply each other’s needs, contact frequently and get common development. China has signed science & technical cooperation, education and culture exchange agreements with most African countries. According to these agreements, China and Africa dispatch students and visiting scholars to each other, and co-conduct irregularly some culture activities, such as “China film week”, “The exhibition of Chinese culture” and “The exhibition of African handicraft and sculpture articles”, etc. China also dispatched doctors, agricultural experts, physical training coaches, college computer teachers, and present medicine, medical equipment, recreation and sports materials, agricultural machinery and so on. The excellent techniques and the spirit of hard working of Chinese medical team and experts have made a deep impression on African governments and their people, and produced profound influences. Their hardworking scored a splendid recording for Sino-African friendship, and also created a good mass basis for developing long-term, stable and forward-looking ties between China and Africa. According to statistics, China has dispatched medical teams in 33 African countries at present, more than 700 medical personnel on duty. To be continued in the next issue
ill Lorenz of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) has been keeping a diary for the BBC News website as he helps thousands of Sudanese trek home to Raga in the south-west, following a deal to end a 21-year war. The group reaches the end of its journey but the mood is reflective, as Bill considers the future of the group and the prospects of the Sudanese people.
We are bogged down in so much mud that we finally abandon the land cruiser. The rains we have tried so hard to outpace have beaten us at the last post. The land cruiser is left by a river with no bridge. We cross it on foot, carrying what we can. The water is waist high.
This river was at a junction in the road. We take a path to the right that leads to Deim Zubeir. If we had gone straight, I find out later, the road would have taken us to Bile. We are just over 19km from Deim Zubeir. Commissioner Resiki is still behind us with the tail end of the community. The heavy rains have put an end to the trucks transporting people. The trucks are either broken down - or stuck in the mud. I arrange for bicycles to come from Deim Zubeir and take Belal, the sick truck driver, and Aden back to town. Belal can't make it on foot in his condition.
There are amazing thunder storms during the night. Twice we thought our tents would blow away or collapse under the weight of rainwater. Our repairperson Hassan and I set off early. Andrew and Abbas, my two colleagues, stay behind with all of our things. Aden has hired ten bicycles with riders from Deim Zubeir at $10 each to come and collect our things. Andrew and Abbas wait for them to arrive. These remaining 19km give me time to take in the events of the past 90 days. The group had planned to walk 400km in 30 days. But they had been unprepared. Their journey has taken three and a half months and longer than 400km. There was a lot of hardship and suffering on the way but I know we have helped. Things could have been much worse otherwise. And the thought comforts me. These last kilometers are horrible. We cross four more rivers and many small swamps in between. By the time we finally arrive at Deim Zubeir, I am just so thankful it is over.
Officials from the Sudan Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (SRRC) and the garrison commander want to host us. In the end, I stay with the garrison commander and the others with the SRRC. This way, we offend no one.
The best night's sleep I've had in months. A comfortable bed and no crying babies. I check the airstrip at Deim Zubeir first thing in the morning. This is where our plane is landing tomorrow. It's not as long as we thought but the plane charter company tell me they will still be able to land. With that sorted, we can finally go to Bile. It's a 45 minute ride by bike. People have camped on the southern side of the road, close to a river, while plots are being demarcated on the northern side. People are milling around. A lot of them have nice clothes on. Starched even. They are talking to each other and greeting enthusiastically any new arrivals. Theirs is not a hugging culture. But still, one hears the joy in the voices. It is impressive that they have made it. Officials from UNOCHA, WFP, the ICRC and IRC are registering people in the camp. There will be another food distribution on Thursday by WFP. When we arrive, there are about 400 people queuing at a registration point under a clump of trees. Most of the group is now here at Bile. Only 500 to 600 people are still to arrive. Among them the Commissioner, who I am told is coming on foot and should arrive tonight. People keep coming up to Aden, Andrew, Abbas and I and say thank you. It's nice. I see a boy doing some kind of break dancing and other children playing. A man called Gabriel from Raga tells me people are happy and happy to be resting. Kamilo Khamis, who is 75 years old, tells me he will see his eldest son for the first time in four years tomorrow. The Red Cross had been their communication until now.
Aden tells me Shefron, the boy with a ruptured appendix, had been well enough to walk the last 20kms. He will still need an operation but it can now wait. Akello, the other medical emergency, is being brought to Bile by bicycle. Aden is so relieved at the way things have worked out. Although 43 people have died on the journey, including 24 in an accident at the very beginning of the trek before we got there, there have been 33 births. When you think about it, it is amazing. Tomorrow, we are handing over to another IOM team to tie up all the logistical loose ends of this operation and leave for Nairobi. We have done our best but now it is time to say goodbye and move on. |
