The Political Economy of Reforms in Ethiopia1991-2005 

The Image of Africa

Combat Terrorism, Protect Human Rights

eptember 11 terrorist attacks resulted in thousands in death or disappearance and property losses measured in billions of US dollars.  The psychological scars suffered by people caused by the scenario of terror cannot be measured in numeral terms.  The indifference of terrorism to human lives and property created by humankind constitutes serious threat to and violation of human rights, especially the right to life and the “free from fear”, entitled by every person, as proclaimed by Universal Declaration of Human Rights.  

Terrorist activities have a long history and their threat to and infringement on human rights have been a concern of the international community for long time.  Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, adopted at World Conference on Human Rights on June 25, 1993.   Which is the first UN international human rights instrument addressing the issue of “terrorism and human rights” in a straightforward and unambiguous manner, states that “the acts, methods and practices of terrorism in all its forms and manifestations” “are activities aimed at the destruction of human rights, fundamental freedoms and democracy”, and “the international community should take the necessary steps to enhance cooperation to prevent and combat terrorism” ⁱ.    

Since 1994, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights adopted resolutions entitled Human Rights and Terrorism ⁱⁱ on yearly basis, which states “terrorism, regardless of their motivations, in all their forms and manifestations, wherever and by whomever committed, as acts aimed at the destruction of human rights”.  Also, “condemns the violation of the right to live free from fear and of the right to life, liberty and security” by terrorism, and expresses the conviction “that terrorism, in all its forms and manifestations, wherever and by whomever committed, can never be justified in any instance, including as a means to promote and protect human rights” ⁱⁱⁱ.   

On April 17, 1998, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights adopted resolution 1998/107, approving the appointment of Ms. Kalliopi K. Koufa as special Rapporteur for “Human Rights and Terrorism”, to advance the study of this issue ^iv.   In her report submitted in 1999, Ms. Koufa concluded that “various agents of terrorism pose” “actual and potential threat” “to human rights and freedom” ^V.  

Since the 1960s, terrorist activities have been at rise worldwide, with a tendency of international complications, which became a common threat to the international community as a whole.  It gradually became the common resolution of the international community to suppress terrorism and protect human rights.  And the elaboration of global conventions in suppression of terrorism has been on the top of the priority list of international legislation for the last three decades.  “Faced with the alarming increase of terrorist acts interfering with civil aviation”, the 1960s saw “the adoption under the auspices of the International Civil Aviation Organization of a group of conventions relating to aviation safety” ^vi,  including Convention of Offences and Certain Other Acts Committed on Board Aircraft, signed at Tokyo on September 14, 1963, Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Seizure of Aircraft, singed at the Hague on December 16, 1970, the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts against the Safety of Civil Aviation, concluded at Montreal on September 23, 1971, and the Protocol for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts of Violence at Airports Serving International Civil Aviation, signed at Montreal on February 24, 1988. 

During the Olympic Games at Munich, 11 Israeli athletes were kidnapped and subsequently killed by terrorists.  The terrorist atrocity shocked the world community.  By a note to the Member States of the United Nations, dated September 8, 1972, the then UN Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim requested that the General Assembly include measures to prevent terrorism in the agenda of its twenty-seventh session as an additional item of important and urgent character.  On December 18 of the same year, UN General Assembly adopted resolution 3034, providing for the setting up on an ad hoc committee, consisting of 35 members, to study the issues relating to international terrorism. ^vii 

Ever since then, the prevention and suppression of terrorism has constituted one of the main tasks of UN and related international organizations.  As the result, 8 global anti-terrorism conventions were adopted, namely, convention on the prevention and punishment of crimes against internationally protected persons, including diplomatic agents, adopted by UN general assembly on December 14, 1973, International Convention against the taking of hostages, adopted by UN general assembly on December 17, 1997, convention on the physical protection of nuclear material, singed at Vienna on March 3, 1980, convention for the suppression of unlawful acts  against the safety of maritime navigation, singed at Rome on March 10, 1988, protocol for the suppression of unlawful acts against the safety of fixed platforms on the continental shelf, signed at Rome on March 10,1988, convention on the marking of plastic explosives for the purpose of detection, singed at Montreal on March 1, 1991, convention for the suppression of Terrorist Bombings, adopted by UN General Assembly on December 15, 1997, and International Convention for the suppression of financing of terrorism, adopted by UN General Assembly on December 9, 1999. 

The above-listed 12 anti-terrorism international conventions provide States Parties thereto with legal framework to cooperate in combating terrorism.  The provisions of the conventions have different emphases and have developed and evolved significantly in the course of their elaboration.  However, they basically include the following provisions:  

1. States Parties undertake to establish as criminal offences under their domestic law the terrorist activities covered by anti-terrorism conventions;

2. Such criminal acts are under no circumstances justifiable by considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or other similar nature;

3.  States Parties shall not grant asylum to any person involved in terrorist offence;

4. States Parties shall establish broad criminal jurisdiction over such criminal acts;

5. States Parties shall  take measures to detain person who is found in their territories and involved in terrorist offence;

6. Terrorist offence shall be extraditable offence and states Parties undertake to extradite to one another person involved in terrorist offence under their extradition laws and extradition treaties concluded between them;

7. Terrorist offences shall not be regarded as political offences and extradition of person involved in terrorist offence shall not be denied on the ground that the offence shall not be denied on the ground that the offence is a political one;

8. States Parties shall, if they do not extradite the person involved in terrorist offence, be obliged to submit the case to their competent authorities for the purpose of prosecution;

9. States Parties shall afford one another the greatest measures of assistance in connection with investigations;

10. States Parties shall carry out the above-mentioned obligations in manner consistent with the principles of sovereign equality and territorial integrity of States and that of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other States, and the person involved in terrorist offence shall be guaranteed fair treatment.

The 10 provisions as described above form the basic framework of the international legal regime against terrorism and constitute the weaponry in combating terrorism, especially terrorism with international dimension.  The above-mentioned conventions, however, cover specific types of terrorist offences, such as hijacking, kidnapping and bombing, etc.  Facing the increasingly serious and new forms of terrorist offences, the limitation of those conventions have become obvious.  For instance, the existing anti-hijacking conventions focus upon how to ensure the safety of people on board the aircraft and to bring the hijackers to justice afterwards.   

In the September 11 attacks, the hijacked civil airplanes were, however, used as super cruise missiles to attack ground targets, causing loses far beyond what could not have been done by hijacking per se.  The main concern after that event in handling hijacking cases may be shifted to how to protect the targets, which hijacked aircraft may crash into.  The measures taken may also include bringing down the hijacked aircraft where it is deemed as necessary.  The existing anti-terrorism conventions do not provide ways and means in cooperating internationally in those areas.  Besides, the terrorist activities involving anthrax, which have been causing panic in some countries, are not covered by any of the 12 anti-terrorism conventions.  

In addressing the limitation of the existing anti-terrorism conventions, the international community have, in recent years, been laboring on the elaboration of a comprehensive convention against all forms of international terrorism in addition to the continued efforts in drafting conventions covering specific types of terrorist activities, for instance, the wake of September 11 terrorist attack, in the Headquarters of United Nations, which is located just a few miles from the site of the collapsed New York World Trade Center, UN working group on the measures to eliminate international terrorism convened a new session of drafting and made significant progress in elaborating a comprehensive anti-terrorism convention.  According to the informal draft produced by this session, the following acts constitute terrorist offences:  those causing death or serious bodily injury to any person or serious damage to any public or private property for the purpose of intimidate a population or to compel a Government or an intentional organization to do or abstain form doing any act.  States Parties shall be obliged to take measures similar to those stipulated in the above-mentioned anti-terrorism conventions with specific scopes to punish persons involved in the terrorist offences. 

Terrorism is a global phenomenon with specifics varying from region to region.  Many countries have, therefore, concluded regional conventions, in addition to above-mentioned global conventions, in response to the special situations of terrorist activities in their respective regions, such as 1971 OAS convention to prevent and punish the acts of terrorism taking the form of crimes against persons and related extortion that are of international significance, 1977 European convention on the suppression of terrorism, 1987 SAARC regional convention on suppression of terrorism, 1998 the Arab convention on the suppression of Terrorism, 1999 treaty on cooperation among the states members of the commonwealth of independent states in combating terrorism, 1999 convention of the organization of the Islamic conference on combating international terrorism, and 1999 OAU convention on the prevention and combating of terrorism.  Those regional conventions constitute important part of the international regime against terrorism.  

China consistently opposes terrorism of any forms and attaches great importance to the international cooperation in the areas of anti-terrorism.  China has signed, ratified or acceded 11 out of the above-mentioned 12 global anti-terrorism conventions, with the only exception 1991 Convention on the marking of plastic explosives for the purpose of detection.  Furthermore, thanks mainly to the initiative and great efforts of China, the presidents of China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan signed on June 15, 2001, the Shanghai convention emphasize that “terrorism constitutes a threat to the realization of the basic rights and freedoms of humankind” ^viii.  

In comparison with other anti-terrorism conventions, the Shanghai convention is the most effective, with broader scope of cooperation and more means thereof available.  While the areas of cooperation covered byother anti-terrorism conventions focus mainly on how to bring to justice the criminals after their commission of terrorist offences, the Shanghai convention devotes a significant portion in emphasizing the cooperation between and among the law enforcement agencies of States Parties in prevention and suppression of terrorist offences, including exchange of information, training of personnel, provision of technical and material assistance in related areas, and preventing and investigating and punishing terrorist offences committed in the territory of one States Party aiming at another State Party.  The convention also decides to establish the regional anti-terrorism enter of Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the combating international terrorism and related ethnic separatism and religious extremism.  As a new milestone in the international terrorism and related ethnic separatism and religious extremism.  As a new milestone in the international cooperation against terrorism, the Shanghai convention has brought profound interest and great attention form outside Shanghai Cooperation Organization.   

The efforts as described above demonstrated the resolution of the Chinese government to combat terrorist activities and protect the human rights of its people.  They are international cooperation in suppression of terrorism and protection of human rights.              

Reference

1. Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, para 17.

2. United Nations Document: E/CN.4/Sub.2/1999/27.

3. United Nations Document: E/CN.4/2000/167.

4.  United Nations Document, op. Cit., n.2.

5.  Ibid.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid.

8. Preamble, Shanghai Convention on the suppression of Terrorism, Separatism, and Extremism

Overall status of the Ethiopian Economy 

thiopia’s Gross National Product was US$6.1 billion in 1998.  In 2001 it had risen to US$6.7 billion.  However, Ethiopia’s population also rose from 61 million to 66 million during the same period.  Hence, the GNP per capita remained unchanged between 1998 and 2001.  Yet, in PPP (Purchasing Power Parity) terms, Ethiopia’s GNP per capita rose from US$500 per year to US$800 per year between 1998 and 2001.

Similarly, Ethiopia’s rank in GNP per capita terms had made progress dropping from the rank of 210^th to 206^th. Likewise, in PPP terms it dropped from the rank of 208^th to 198^th between 1998 and 2001.  This was due to the fact that Ethiopia’s GNP fell by -0.8 percent in 1997/98, while it grew by 7.7 percent in 2000/01. In per capita terms, this represented a growth rate of  5.2 percent. In 2002, 44% of the population of Ethiopia was below the national poverty line. Nevertheless, in 1996-2002, 24% of the population of Ethiopia had access to improve sources of water. 

In 1996-2002, illiteracy prevalence rate in Ethiopia was 58 percent of the population above the age of 15; in contrast to 37 percent for SSA countries. Further, gross primary enrolment in Ethiopia had risen to 64 percent of the school age population.

Finally gross domestic investment ratio to GDP for Ethiopia was 9.2 in 1992, 6.2 in 2001 and 6.0 in 2002.  For the same year export of goods and services ratio to GDP were 4.5, 15.4 and 15.2.  Besides, gross domestic savings ratios to GDP were 3.0 in 1992, 2.2 in 2001 and 1.9 in 2002. 

 Some comparisons for 2001

From the above table of income comparison we learn the following facts:  

1. Ethiopia has the Lowest Gross National (GNI) per capita compared with the other five low income countries.  But, it has the second fastest growing economy.

2.  Mauritius has the fastest growth economy compared with the other middle income countries.  But its growth rate is not higher than that of Ethiopia.

3. Of the 6 high income countries compared here, Saudi Arabia has the lowest GNI per capita.  It also has the lowest growth rate.  Switzerland is the country with the highest GNI per capita. 

4. Ethiopia’s GNI is twice higher than that of Mozambique.  So the size of Ethiopia’s GNI is tolerably high.

The above four facts shows that with a 5.2 percent GNI growth rate Ethiopia will double its per capita income in 14 years. This gives a somewhat optimistic picture about the future.  Nevertheless, attempts should be made to stem the rapid growth of population.

Other Economic Pointers 

In 2002 Ethiopia’s interest payment ratio to GDP was 0.7 percent. Likewise, total debt ratio to GDP stood at 108.9 percent while the ratio of total debt service to exports was 11.6 percent.  

In 2002 agriculture accounted for 52.3% of the GDP, Industry for 11.1% and services for 36.5%. During the same year private consumption was 77.2 percent of the GDP, general government consumption 21% and import of goods and services 33.5%. During the quoted year, the annual growth rate of agriculture was 4.5% while that of industry and service stood at 5.4 and 5.5%, respectively. Similarly, private consumption grew by -4.0%, general government consumption by 26.8%, gross domestic investment by 17.4% and import of goods and services by 5.5%.

Ethiopia’s trade exports in 2002 were US$467 million and imports US$1,598 million. Hence, there was a wide gap between imports and exports. Ethiopia’s outstanding total debt was US$6.5 billion in 2002.  In addition, Ethiopia’s debt service in 2002 was US$108 million. 

External Support for Ethiopia’s Development Efforts

The government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia has put in place viable policies and strategies geared towards extricating the nation from the grip of poverty and backwardness.  Various programmes are also underway to bring about sustainable development in the country.

A large number of foreign dignitaries have visited Ethiopia and discussed developmental issues and concluded grant agreements.  All those who visited the country have expressed satisfaction with the on-going policies and their implementation. 

Various international donor organizations and countries have also pledged to provide financial as well as material assistance particularly for the implementation of Ethiopia’s food security programme. According the to the Ministry of  Finance and Economic Cooperation,  a high level consultative process has been underway to strengthen partnership between the Government and international donors.  A high level workshop was also organized by the Government from June 11-12, 2003 to find durable solutions to the problem of food insecurity.  

The convergence of views that emerged from the workshop has resulted in the establishment of the New Coalition for Food Security which is led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. 

The final program was discussed at the partnership event of Livelihood and Food Security for Ethiopia held on December 1and 2, 2003. Here, the government and its key partners, especially international donors agreed on the steps that need to be taken to strengthen the food security situation of the country. The total estimated financial resource required for the implementation of the new food security program amounts to about 26 billion Birr (US$3 billion). The amount so far pledged is US$495 million and more funds are expected to be generated in the near future. 

The Ethiopian government has committed itself to the Sustainable Development and Poverty Reduction Programme (SDPRP) in 2002.  The overarching objective of the SDPRP is to reduce poverty and maintain macroeconomic stability.  The Government has also expressed commitment to work towards the realization of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015.  It also remains committed to the SDPRP, and is refocusing its energy towards its implementation. Meanwhile, the Breton Woods Institutions had endorsed the SDPRP at a Consultative Group Meeting of donor agencies held in December 2002. 

Ethiopia is still the focus of donor attention.  Total funding in support of the Government’s program has showed a rising trend in recent years.  Ethiopia’s development partners have also demonstrated an interest to adjust their specific country assistance strategies to that of Ethiopia.  

Such an adjustment is being made by international donors because of the realization that Ethiopia has the final responsibility of implementing the SDPRP.   The Government is also encouraged by the reception given to the SDPRP at the 2002 Consultative Group Meeting and the commitments it received from donors to support the program as well as donors interest to work with the Government to find solution to the country’s problem of food insecurity. 

The above commitment of donors is crucial because Ethiopia heavily relies on external assistance for the implementation of its multi-faceted development programs. In this regard it is heartening that efforts have been made through the preparation of the Consultative Group (CG) Meeting to discuss the SDPRP, and mobilize the resources required for its implementation.  During the pledging session of the CG, donors promised to extend 3.6 billion US dollars for the period covering 2003-2005 for the implementation of the SDPRP. 

During the fiscal year 2002/03, several of the pledges have materialized resulting in framework agreements.  Principal among these are the agreement reached with:

·          The World Bank to provide US$1.5 billion for the fiscal years 2003-2005;

·          The African Development Bank to provide US$250 million for the fiscal years 2002-2004;

·          The European Union to provide 538 million Euro (US$645.6 million) for the fiscal years 2002-2007;

·          The Swedish Government to Provide 1.5 billion SEK (US$203 million) for the fiscal years 2003-2005;

·          The Belgian Government to provide 42 million Euros (US$50.4 million) for the fiscal years 2003-2007; and

·          The German Government to provide 65 million Euro (US$78 million) for the fiscal years 2003-2005.

Some of the framework agreements were translated into project based commitments.  However, there is still a lot to be done by way of translating some of the pledges into real commitment, and more importantly into real disbursements, which can benefit the country.

With regard to support to Ethiopia in the form of debt relief, Ethiopia has been classified as one of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPIC). Hence, it is entitled to benefit from this initiative.  Ethiopia qualified for the HIPIC initiative in November 2001. 

The amount of debt relief needed to bring the country’s debt to a sustainable level is US$1.9 billion.  Since November 2001 Ethiopia has been receiving interim assistance from some of its major multilateral creditors and the Paris Club.  The debt relief obtained over the last two years amounted to 1.40 billion Birr. This does not include the debt relief of US$300 million extended to Ethiopia in May 2004.  The relief was obtained from multilateral creditors such as IDA, ADP/ADF, IMF, EU and the Paris Club bilateral creditors.

Ethiopia is expected to reach a Completion Point under the enhanced HIPIC initiative during the first quarter of 2004. The amount of relief that would be committed at the Decision Point will be unconditionally delivered. In particular, the relief from multilateral creditors would be provided over a number of years; while the relief from the Paris Club Creditors (which was provided in May 2004) would be based on the modality of stock reduction.

Even after the Completion Point, Ethiopia’s debt would still be high.  Thus, the IMF and World Bank are expected to consider additional relief (top up), to make Ethiopia’s debt repayment sustainable.   This would be, by and large, possible when the level of debt relief comes up to US$1.9 billion.

Donors are also extending budgetary support to the country. This is being done to support the on-going development strategies and programs of the country.  In this regard, the European Union and the United Kingdom have disbursed 25 million Euro (US$30 million) and 10 million Pound (US$18.7 million) respectively, from the total amount they pledged during the CG meeting of 2002.

The International Development Association (IDA) has also approved US$120 million from the pledges of 2002 as budgetary support for 2004.  This amount is to be drawn from its Poverty Reduction Support Credit (PRSC) instrument. Bilateral donors such as Sweden and Canada are also currently in the final stages of negotiation with the Ethiopian Government to provide similar type of budgetary assistance.                              

References

23-29. Ibid

The Image of Africa

African Outlook - What Worries Africans?

 West Africans are more satisfied with their family’s position than East Africans.  Zambians are the least satisfied in Africa. 

On a scale of 1-10, 39% of Ghanaians, 35% of Cameroonians and 33% of Nigerians rated this aspect of their life very highly – as 7-10.  Whereas 30% of Zambians, 29% of Tanzanians and  Mozambicans rated their family’s position much more  lowly as only 1-3 on the ten point scale. 

At a family level, the majority feel their family prospects are better, or certainly not worse, than last year. However, 40% of Zambians believe they are worse compared to 17% who believe they are better off. Nigeria and Ghana lead the way in feeling they are better off with 40% feeling this way about their  position. 

Tanzanians ( 49%) Malawians (41%) Zambians (41%) Mozambicans (42%) Ivorians(41%) felt their position was the same as a year ago. 

Women(31%) are more likely than men(27%) to feel that they are worse off than they were a year ago int scale. 

In some ways, given the concerns about poverty and lack of employment opportunities, the relatively high levels of confidence about the family position are surprising. It would suggest that in most countries, people do not perceive things to be getting worse, and in some countries, things seem to have improved for families.

Government Competence 

African’s pride in being African does not always extend to confidence in their own country’s government. 

The levels of confidence in people’s own countries (see chart below) was calculated using the answers from four questions concerning economic prospects, attitudes to unemployment, ability of the country to attract foreign investment and whether the education system gave children a good start in life. 

The countries where confidence was highest were Rwanda, Tanzania and Ghana. Zambia, Nigeria and Cameroon had particularly low levels of confidence in the country. 

Across Africa nearly 2 in 3 have confidence in the education systems. However, there is a strong concern that they cannot afford to pay the education bills. 

However, attitudes towards education varied widely between countries. In Rwanda, Tanzania and Kenya over 3 in 4 people rated their education systems positively. Whereas in Cameroon and Nigeria nearly 6 in 10 did not believe their education systems gave children a good start in life. 

There is relatively high confidence among Ghanaians and Tanzanians that their countries attract foreign investment with around 3 in 4 in agreement. This compared with just over 1 in 3 of Zambians and Cameroonians.  Just under half (49%) of Nigerians think that their country

attracts foreign investment. 2 in 3 Rwandans and Kenyans have a positive attitude towards attractinginward investment. 

Aside from being seen to be addressing HIV/Aids and resolving conflicts with neighbours, African governments are perceived to be most competent with regard to issues that affect the country in general and promote their country’s interests well abroad.  

Where they fall short is on issues that affect individuals, such as creating jobs, fighting corruption, controlling the influx of refugees, reducing the crime rate and providing good healthcare. In general, the government that had the most positive image among its populace was the Rwandan government.

Given the widespread nature of HIV/Aids in African countries it is clear that for most Africans there is considerable confidence in their government’s actions in tackling HIV/Aids. In most countries surveyed, 8 in 10 said that their government’s were doing well in addressing HIV/Aids. Only Mozambique where under half (49%) said that their government was not addressing it well. Even in Malawi where the infection is among the highest in Africa nearly3 in 4 said that their government was addressing HIV/Aids well. 

Lack of jobs dominates most peoples lives across Africa. Only 22% were in full time work across Africa. In Kenya, Cameroon and Mozambique it was under 20%. Whereas in Ghana it was 47% and 36% in Nigeria. There is a low level of satisfaction with governments’ progress in creating work opportunities. Only in Rwanda, where 2 in 3 thought the government was managing to create jobs, was therea positive rating.  In Zambia and Malawi nearly 9 in 10  thought that the government was not doing  well in this area. In most countries as many as 8 in 10 said that their governments did not look after the  unemployed. 

There are generally low levels of satisfaction in most countries at their government competence in reducing crime and fighting corruption and nepotism. 

In the fight to reduce crime two governments – Rwanda and Ghana - stand out with 92% and 79% respectively being rated as doing well on crime reduction. The least effective governments are Malawi (79%), Mozambique (83%) and Ivory Coast (77%) where nearly 8 in 10 do notbelieve their governments are doing well.  

Most governments are seen not to be doing well in the fight against corruption and nepotism. In 7 countries the majority of people do not believe that their government are doing well. Kenyans and Tanzanians are evenly split in their attitudes whereas in Nigeria, Cameroon and Zambia nearly2 in 3 believe their governments are not doing well in their efforts to reduce crime. 

In Nigeria and Cameroon, this is so endemic that for many people living in those countries it is regarded as the ways others see them. The only governments seen to be doing well by the majority of people are Kenya (69%), Rwanda (66%) and Ghana (56%). 

The governments doing worst are Ivory Coast and Mozambique where nearly 8 in 10 rate the government as not doing well in tackling corruption.Among Muslims 64% compared with 58% of non Muslims believe that their governments are not doing well in fighting corruption.                          

World Players- African View 

World players that African’s look up to the most includes such high international profile figures as Nelson Mandela, Kofi Annan and Thabo Mbeki, while the most disliked were Osama bin Laden and George Bush. There were high levels of ‘don’t know’ and ‘have not heard of’ for Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Gerhard Shroeder and, to a lesser extent, Jacques Chirac. 

Nelson Mandela is by far the most popular person in Africa with 90% of all Africans liking him. Whereas George Bush is the least popular, although he is more popular than Osama bin Laden. 

Tony Blair picks up some support among non-Muslims but is regarded much more negatively by Muslims.

 There was a marked dislike for George Bush and Tony Blair among Muslims whereas among non-Muslims there is moderate support for both men. Muslims moderately approve of Osama bin Laden, while there is a strong dislike of the man among non-Muslims. Muslims were much more critical and distrustful of the UK and the US thannon- Muslims.  

World Players- America’s Image in Africa 

Attitudes towards George Bush vary both between countries and between Muslim and non-Muslims. He is more popular in Nigeria and Malawi but even here there is sharp divide in Nigeria between Muslims and non-Muslims. With 35% of the former disliking him and 59% of non-Muslims liking him. 

The only countries where there is a positive attitude among both Muslims and non- Muslims are Rwanda and Malawi.

 Attitudes towards George Bush are linked to attitudes towards the USA.  Across Africa, 54% rated the US as a threat, 30% as arrogant and 28% can’t be trusted. 

Among Africa’s Muslims, the negatives increased with 6 in 10 regarding the US as a threat, and nearly 4 in 10 saying the US could not be trusted. 

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